The new gender
political divide

The rising radical right in Western democracies – and its hold on the United States – is more popular among men than women. And there is reason to fear that this preference will be reciprocated in policies, actions, missions, and omissions. If there is one common trend across different contexts and the various recent elections, it is that men have voted more to the right, while women have leaned less in that direction, instead favouring progressive or even radical left-wing parties.

The most recent example is the German election, where the gender gap in support for the far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) stands at seven percentage points across the general population (17% of women voted for AfD compared to 24% of men, according to ARD data).

Among younger voters, the gap is even more pronounced: according to data reported by the Financial Times following the elections, among 18- to 24-year-olds, 25% of men voted for AfD, compared to only 14% of women. On the opposite side, the left-wing Die Linke was chosen by 15% of young men and a striking 35% of young women in the same age group.

A similar pattern is evident in the American elections that led Donald Trump to the White House. In a country where the electorate is almost evenly split between Democrats and conservatives in absolute numbers, the gender gap stands at 10 points on average (55% of men voted for Trump compared to 45% of women). However, this gap widens among younger age groups and within the African American electorate.

On one hand, this is not a new phenomenon. Women have ceased to be the majority of the conservative electoral bloc for decades, tending instead to hold more liberal or progressive positions. According to a study conducted by Gethin, Martínez-Toledano, and Piketty in 2022, which analysed 50 democracies from 1948 to 2020, this shift occurred in the 1980s. Since then, fewer women than men have voted for right-wing parties.

This gender gap persists even when accounting for differences in income, education, regions of residence, and other factors influencing voting behavior, as demonstrated by the study’s data.

On the other hand, in recent years and particularly in the latest elections a radical, identity-driven, nationalist right emerged, whose agenda cannot be adequately characterized within the usual "conservative versus progressive" framework.

Rather than merely aiming to maintain privileges and the status quo, today's radical right positions itself as a force for change—not focused on conservation, but on dismantling the social and civil achievements of the past century.

In parallel, a  political, ideological, and moral gap is developing  in the social and electoral bases of many countries, particularly between young men and young women. In other words, a new "global gender divide" is emerging.

Highlighting this issue on International Women’s Day is not intended as a consolation. The truth is that this rising right-wing force, hell-bent on dismantling everything, does not have a mandate from women – particularly young women. But that is not a source of comfort; it is a call to action.

Women have the most to lose from the march of this great destructive machine, led by old men and their tech-bro allies. Across many areas, hard-won rights from the last century are under attack. Trump’s executive orders against Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programs serve as an example – meanwhile, the upper echelons of the economy have followed suit: one after another, major US corporations have abandoned their inclusive policies.

But the real issue is not just resisting this wave of destruction. The deeper problem is that in many parts of the world, we were – and still are – only halfway across the river, if not even further behind. Italy is one such case. In almost every field – except education, where the gender gap has been closed and surpassed – women’s rights require active, concrete policies. Progress is needed, not just a defense against regression.

Women’s bodies have become a battleground in this ideological war. The right seeks to dismantle fundamental right of choice and self-determination (and, more broadly, all rights related to bodily autonomy). A clear example is abortion rights, which must not only be defended but fully implemented. This government has even blocked free access to contraceptive medications. And alongside repressive measures, there are also discriminatory ones, such as tax incentives given only to working mothers, and bonuses limited to married couples with children.

When it comes to economic issues – especially to the job market – the “defensive line” proves even more inadequate. There is little to defend, as policies supporting women’s employment have either been nonexistent or, even when nominally promoted, have failed to lift Italy from its position at the bottom of Europe’s female employment rankings.

As we have often argued, boosting women’s employment requires more than just tax breaks and financial incentives. It demands a broad range of policies, from investment in social and physical infrastructure to combating gender stereotypes in education and work; from promoting shared responsibilities in caregiving to reforming labour processes and organisation; from adopting an intersectional approach to increasing investments in innovation. These are just a few of the key measures we have repeatedly emphasised on this magazine.

But perhaps, beyond policies, what is most needed is politics itself: What vision of society do we want to promote? How do women live in this society? What are their aspirations? What obstacles prevent them from achieving them?

These questions lead to others: How do we want to care for one another? How do we want to work? What defines a family? What responsibilities do men and women have? Now more than ever, political action must reflect on what vision we want to oppose to the advancing, destructive force of the radical right.