The Portuguese Fertility Plan
through the gender lense

The current Government (a coalition between the Social Democratic Party and the Christian Democratic Party, in power since 2011) has publicly announced that it is very concerned with the alarming fall in fertility rates. As a consequence, in February a multidisciplinary commission was set upto propose measures to reverse the worrying situation.  In a few months, a report was drawn up and publicly presented in July. Among some of the positive measures, we find the need for a nationwide social and political commitment towards the promotion of fertility, tax reductions for families with children, tax deductions for grandparents supporting their grandchildren’s education and wellbeing, the flexibilisation of childcare services, the exemption from social security transfers for companies recruiting pregnant workers or women with children less than 3 years old, and the state support for infertility treatments. However, as we shall discuss below, the report is embedded in a conservative approach of caring and parenting, detached from a gender equality approach.

The declining trend in fertility rates has been visible since the 1980s. In 2012 Portugal was the European country with the most worrying figure (1.28); and in 2013 the decline was even more pronounced (1.21). In the first part of this article, I argue that such a trend positively reflects the process of modernization in the country and the greater emancipation of women.However,this is only part of the explanation. The recent national survey on fertility illustrates that should men and women have the conditions for realizing their desired fertility plans, the rate would be 2.31. Therefore, as highlighted in the second part, such a gap needs to be interpreted in the light of various constraints and contradictions.

After the democratic revolution in 1974, equality between women and men was finally enshrined in the Portuguese Constitution and women acquired the same civil rights as men, in 1976.Family planning consultations were established as part of the public health service, and women became progressively aware of the importance of exercising their own control over their sexual and reproductive lives.A new version of the civil code (1978) eliminated the principle of husbands’ marital power, meaning that women gained equal status in their intimate relationships. Since then, women’s investment in formal education has been noticeable: in 1970-71, they amounted to just one third of those with a tertiary degree, in the 1980s they were already 50 per cent, and according to the latest data available (2010-2011), they represented 60 per cent of all graduates.  After the extremely poor conditions affecting many families during the dictatorship, both women and men acquired new material and social expectationsafter the democratic revolution;themodernization process was facilitated by the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986. Even so, for the majority of the working populationwages have remained relatively low, the dominant models of production and organization have remained aligned with traditional principles, the indicators on precarious jobs, poverty and social inequality have beenwell above the EU average, and the development of the Welfare State has reflected the semi-peripheral position of the country.

In Portugal thewomen’s contribution to the household income is fundamental to make ends meet. Female employment rates have been relatively high - above the EU average, women predominantly work on a full-time basis and have continuous labour trajectories. However, this intense involvement in paidwork has not prevented them from doing the bulk of domestic and caring work. Surprisingly, the recent Commission’s report seems to ignore the importance of measures to tackle the exiting gender asymmetries in the household, which would be fundamental for a better work-life balance and fertility plans. 

Despite the investment in public care facilities, the truth is that the existing infra-structures are well below family’s needs. It is worthwhile noting, however, that the policy framework has evolved in order to allow a greater sharing of parental leaves and involve men in parental roles, particularly after childbirth. In this regard, in addition to a “sharing bonus of 30 days” if the leave is shared, there is a mandatory leave for fathers, fully paid, of 10 days (the same benefits apply to the additional optional 10 days). Nonetheless, due to ideological constraints (traditional representations on gender roles), the prejudice against active parents and hostile management approaches,less than one quarter of the new fathers is taking the sharing bonus. And, against the law, around one thirdis not benefiting from the mandatory right of 10 days leave. Studies have also shown that women in particular have been the most penalized group in terms of job opportunities and careerprospects, due to the prevalence of discriminatory practices, unfriendly organizational cultures and traditional managerial approaches.

In addition to the various constraints already pointed out, our view is that the government concern with the low number of birthsis rather inconsistent and paradoxical, considering the other policies and measures in place. In 2013 the overall working time in civil services was extended from 35 hours to 40 hours per week. This measure has negatively impacted on civil servants in terms of work-life balance and, simultaneously, has discouraged the private sector from reducing working time. At the same time, in a clear contradictory trend, the government wishes to promote part-time employment. Worryingly, the Commission’s report states it as one of the core recommendations: the possibility of women (sic) working on a part-time basis for one year after the use of parental leave (after childbirth). Such a solution would be paid by the employer (50%) and the state (50%), and the female workers would be temporarily replaced by registered unemployed people. Studies have shown that part-time workers have fewer training and career opportunities and tend to be more prone to precarious contracts. Moreover, thisrecommendationconflicts with the aims of gender equality, as well as the progress/modernisation of gender relations by reinforcing the women’s position of subordination and dependence, and the ideology of motherhood and female domesticity.  Surveys on workers’ preferences show that women and men would like to work for shorter periods, but not on a part-time basis. Actually, data show that the majority of women working part-time do soon an involuntary basis.

Moroever, the policy context has been dominated by the current fiscal consolidation plan, the austerity measures, the labour market reforms, and the critical economic and labour circumstances (particularly, since 2008). Wages and basic services (education, health, justice, social security) have been reduced, the tax burden is extremely harsh,the middle class has been particularly hit and is now increasingly impoverished. Portugal stands out as the country with one of highest unemployment rates in the EU28, and almost fourout of ten young people are unemployed.Over half of all unemployed people are now excluded from social benefits; the number of jobless households has increased dramatically since 2010. The emigration flow has increased exponentially, particularly among the young population, with the number of people leaving the country now being comparable with the numbers registered by the miserable country of the 1960s. Four out of ten families with at least three children are at risk of poverty.This is, of course, a short portrait of a country without hope. Without objective (and subjective) conditions for the renewal of hope, the Portuguese society is not sustainable. Is this so hard to understand?!(1)

1. Please consider that the article has been written in the end of July 2014. Since then the Portuguese government has released further declarions on some of the keypoints of the article and debate is still ongoing.